Oul - — J,. 0* six
zero In Mississippi are prepared to leave tlie counties they're working
in, turn their work over to someone else, hope that it doesn't die
when they leave, then, and we must be objective about It, we are simply
building parochial kingdoms of Individualistic, personality-oriented
power. The organizers have power and that power oan be used negatively
or positively. Let's assume that Jesse's working in a county. A program is then discussed. Jesse disagrees with it. Leroy Johnson goes
to that county and Leroy Johnson is Iszscdlataly upon entrance Into
that county faced with two problems. KuHber one, he's going to have
to treat Jesse gently because he's invading his territory. Number two,
the reaction of the people that you attempt to organize Is going to be,
"If this were really a good program, we trust Jesse, we know Jesse,
Jesse would have told us about It." Or perhaps the program gets
launched and lt gets moving, the people accept lt and work on lt,
release energy, and then there's the question of why didn't Jesse tell
us about this?
So the basing of organizers and their work ln one area le a problem
that goes very deep because It's hard to face people In an area that
you're not known. It's hard to deal with new people. It's hard to deal
with new programs. We're going to constantly be faced In an attempt,
I would hope, to give more and more poser - and I use that word constantly
'cause that's what we're talking about; we 're talking about the distribution of power. To aa,  that's what polltlos is. It has been misused
traditionally in this country and whether or not It's going to continue
to be traditionally and casually and completely misused depends on, I
think, the type of political organizing we are attempting to prove
exists, if not works.